Remember the incidents in our political past when NDC and NPP supporters began to secure state property, including public toilets and toll booths for themselves immediately after it became clear that their Presidential candidates had won the 2008 and 2016 elections?

I am reading from Prof Yankah’s Facebook page. His report this week is about his visit to a hospital in Agona West where Haruna Rasheed Osman, Nasara Coordinator for the New Patriotic Party, lay in critical condition, “his two fingers nearly chopped off and a hail of pellets lodged in the left side of his body frame”, victim of a bloody clash between two factions of Agona West NPP last Sunday night.

What’s in it for these party-sponsored criminals? There are the promised brand new 4x4 tear rubber, a house etc. The more savage they are in killing, maiming and assassinating rivals’ character, the closer they are to getting Ministerial, board, ambassadorial and SOE-Chief Executive appointments, all of which are soon to be in the hands of the newly announced President.

It is called Winner Takes All

Why are some Ghanaians rejoicing over false reports of the death of Nana Asante Bediatuo? A few weeks before Bediatuo’s hospitalization, social media was awash with “celebration” by some people rejoicing over the hospitalisation of the NPP Director of Communications.

It’s totally un-Ghanaian. We didn’t use to be like this.

Why would NPP Ashanti Regional Chairman Wontumi curse Prophet Owusu Bempah, live, on the radio? Is it because if the prophecy comes true, the very source of his livelihood could be no more?

In 2014, when Charles Osei Bonsu (RIP) was appointed CEO of the Ghana Tourism Authority, a group of agitators within GTA caused it to be published for the attention of the newly sworn-in President (John Mahama) that Charles was NPP.  

It is an entitlement mentality guaranteed by Article 58 (1) of the 1992 Constitution which vests the executive authority of Ghana in the President. By this single line in the Constitution, Ghanaian Presidents can change a pauper into a millionaire. He can do everything, including (in a world of LGBTQI), changing a man into a woman.

Over the years, since 2012, these democracy criminals have been emboldened by the actions/inactions of the ultimate beneficiaries of their evils. At Odododiodoo in 2012 when thugs beat Ursula Owusu, at Chereponi during the 2009 by-election and at Akwatia, when NDC hoodlums were caught on video camera terrorizing the constituency, at Ayawaso West Wuogon in 2019, nothing happened to the hoodlums.

What is the way out? Let’s borrow from Kenya. Prior to 2010, Kenya had had a long history of civil unrest following announcements of election results. In the run-up to the 2007 elections, for instance, Kenyans stocked up on staples like flour, rice, and bread in case riots broke out. As feared, that year’s presidential election results sparked widespread violence. An estimated 1,500 people died.

Kenya decided: that only by changing the political system could something similar be prevented. The outcome was the 2010 revised Constitution.

Under it, many of the appointment powers previously enjoyed by the President were made subject to parliamentary review. Under a new system of devolution, 47 new counties were created, each with a directly elected governor, senator, women’s representative and assembly.

Devolution – call it decentralization – has worked for Kenyans. The impact has been largely felt through two layers of elected officials: governors and MCAs. Holders of the devolved positions at the local level enjoy control over significant resources. Governors enjoy a budget that far exceeds that of MPs and are able to construct their own patronage networks through their control of contracts and appointments.

Also, the introduction of local government has softened the blow of losing national elections. Parties and communities that lose national-level elections feel that they still have a stake in the political system as a result of their representation at the county level.

Above all, there is no longer a sense that the presidency is the ultimate prize, or that one has to be an MP to matter.

Another possible alternative or solution to Ghana’s self-destructive Winner Takes All is the concept of Proportional Representation. One of the reasons advanced by opponents of this proposal has been that each party has its manifesto spelling out how it intends to go about solving the nation’s problems.

But I disagree. Our regular resort to and need for Economic Forums, such as the Senchi Declaration, are an admission that one political party does not have what it takes to solve all the problems of Ghana. Can’t we have a system in which every political party with representation in Parliament could be allotted a number of appointments?

That way, the greed will reduce; the bootlicking will cease and we shall stop hacking down each other.

Devolution (decentralisation) is the reason why I was disappointed when on December 1, 2019, President Akufo-Addo ordered the cancellation of the December 17 referendum and effectively put on hold plans that would have allowed for the election of MMDCEs – which he had promised.